Nashville Great Books Discussion Group
A reader's group devoted to the discussion of meaningful books.
Monday, February 29, 2016
John
Stuart Mill praises the blessings of liberty and makes the case that society
should spread those blessings as deeply and as widely as possible (Mill, On
Liberty, IGB 3-5). But Edmund Burke
argues that “I must be tolerably sure, before I venture publicly to
congratulate men upon a blessing, that they have really received one… The
effect of liberty to individuals is that they may do what they please; we ought
to see what it will please them to do, before we risk congratulations.” (Burke, Reflections, GB 5-11) The main character in Franz Kafka’s short
story has liberty and is free to choose his own path in life. He chooses to be a Hunger Artist.
Let’s
set aside the hunger part for a moment.
Why do some people choose to be artists?
In the introductory material Kafka says “I believe we should read only
those books that bite and sting us. If a
book we are reading does not rouse us with a blow to the head, then why read
it?” A Hunger Artist is a good example
of Kafka’s theory. It’s a story that
should make every reader think more deeply about the nature of art. The story says “we live in a different world
now.” Which immediately leads to a question. Is the world really much different now than
it was back in Kafka’s day (1883-1924)? Some
readers would reply, of course. Not that
much different, others would respond.
And both sides could back up their arguments. Ask the question, but is art different now? And we’d get pretty much the same responses
for the same reasons. The nature of art
reflects the nature of the world. People
don’t always share the same worldview so how could they possibly share the same
opinions about art? The Hunger Artist is
at the center of this controversy. For
some readers he’s a “suffering martyr” for art and for others he’s just another
naïve artist wasting his life chasing dreams.
Kafka writes that “it was the children’s special treat to see the hunger
artist; for their elders he was often just a joke that happened to be in
fashion.” The children and the elders
were seeing the same “art.” Why did the
elders often think it was just a joke?
Is it because they had seen so many fads come and go? Were the elders jaded to the ways of the
world, while children still had enough purity and innocence of life to behold
the wonders of art without trying to analyze?
Kafka
is on to something here. He’s obviously
trying to tell readers something that can’t be expressed in the format of a
philosophical essay. Instead, he wants
to show us the nature of Art and the nature of Man in the form of a story. It’s not an uplifting story; more like a blow
to the head. Here’s one example of Kafka’s
prose style. “Experience had proved that
for about forty days the interest of the public could be stimulated by a
steadily increasing pressure of advertisement, but after that the town began to
lose interest.” What does that tell us
about “the public” and about the “pressure of advertisement” in the modern
world? Can true art find a home in such
a world? Or take another example. In the story there’s a rule that the public
fast can only continue for forty days. Then the "performance" is officially over and
the Hunger Artist must take some food for nourishment. The Hunger Artists asks, why? “If he could endure fasting longer, why
shouldn’t the public endure it?” It’s a
good theoretical question and leads to a more practical one. Is government in the business of setting
limits on what can and what cannot be done in artistic performances? Is censorship the government’s job? Can true art find a home in such a world? The theoretical question (what is art) gets
tangled up with the practical problem of the blessings of liberty. Is it really a blessing to be free to go buy
tickets and watch “artists” voluntarily starving themselves to death? We’d better be prepared to answer because, as
Kafka writes, “Fasting would surely come into fashion again at some future date…” Kafka is on to something here. It’s not a pleasant vision. But is it art? Is this what we want?
Monday, February 22, 2016
KANT: On Conscience (Mill and Burke)
John
Stuart Mill made an eloquent defense of civil (or social) liberty when he
wrote, “the only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any
member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to
others.” (Mill, On Liberty, IGB 3-5) Except for safety issues everyone should basically
be left alone to pursue their own private interests. And only the individual citizen has the right
to determine what those interests are. But,
we may ask, what if that “private interest” includes some kind of unhealthy
addiction? It doesn’t matter, Mill would
answer, “his own good, either physical or moral, is not a sufficient warrant”
to interfere in his private life. Each
man must define what “the good life” means for him. That sounds reasonable. Who could be against that theory of liberty? Edmund Burke, for one. He believes “the restraints on men, as well
as their liberties, are to be reckoned among their rights… Men have no right to
what is not reasonable and to what is not for their benefit.” (Edmund Burke,
Reflections, GB 5-11) Restraint on private behavior is exactly what Mill is fighting
against. How can Burke come to the
opposite conclusion? Because Burke
believes liberty is “an entailed inheritance derived to us from our
forefathers, and to be transmitted to our posterity.” We don’t live in isolation from one another
and our lives don’t belong to us alone. No
man is an island. We’re like a chain
linking the past to the future. Society
not only has the right, it has the duty, to preserve the customs and traditions
which have been given to us in trust. We
then hand them on to the next generation.
This is the only way to maintain (in Mill’s words) a “civilized
community.”
What
are we to make of such a dispute? Both
theories sound good. As one character
says in Shakespeare’s King John “I was never so bethump'd with words.” But when all is said and done, what should I
do? Should I rely on my own personal judgment?
Mill says “over himself, over his own
body and mind, the individual is sovereign.”
That sounds good. Or should I ignore
personal biases and rely instead on the customs and traditions of my cultural
heritage? Burke says by “respecting your
forefathers, you would have been taught to respect yourselves.” That sounds good too. We have a choice between two options. What should we do? This is where Kant may help. In this essay Kant takes on the issue of
deciding between possible alternatives.
He uses positive law and natural law as guidelines. Positive law is recognized by government and
its citizens as the law of the land, whether we agree with it or not. Natural law is recognized as the universal standard
for determining right and wrong. We may
not know or understand every “positive” law but Kant believes we all know and we
all understand “natural” law. He says “natural
moral laws must be known to all; they are contained in our reason.” So Kant poses the question “what is a man to
do when a positive and a natural law conflict?”
Kant’s
advice is to rely on our conscience. He
says “Conscience is an instinct to pass judgment upon ourselves in accordance
with moral laws.” Conscience may satisfy
both Mill and Burke. Mill thinks we alone
can legitimately “pass judgment upon ourselves.” Unless we’re actively harming others society
has no right to judge our private actions.
Mill writes that “in that part which merely concerns himself, his
independence is, of right, absolute.” But
Kant’s phrase “in accordance with moral laws” would appeal to Burke too. Burke says “All persons possessing any portion
of power ought to be strongly and awfully impressed with an idea that they act
in trust, and that they are to account for their conduct in that trust to the
one great Master, Author, and Founder of society.” So whether we agree with Mill’s view, or lean
toward Burke’s view, the key element is to act according to the dictates of conscience. But, Kant warns, remember that “vices bring
their own punishments.” Mill and Burke
would both agree on that.
Saturday, February 13, 2016
J. S. MILL: On Liberty (Freedom and Government)
In
his essay On Liberty the English philosopher John Stuart Mill presents many
ideas that remain fertile ground for Great Books discussions about the nature
of freedom and government. The subject
of his essay is focused on “civil, or social liberty: the nature and limits of
the power which can be legitimately exercised by society over the individual.” At one extreme is the idea of civil liberty expressed
in Plato’s Crito. In that dialog
Socrates says if we think our country is on the wrong path then we should try
to persuade it to change. But he goes on
to say that “if you cannot persuade your country then you must do whatever it
orders… you must comply, and it is right that you should do so.” John Stuart Mill takes up his position almost
at the other extreme. In Mill’s opinion
whenever there’s a conflict between freedom and government there are very few
times when “you must do whatever it orders.”
A citizen may legitimately be required “to give evidence in a court of
justice; to bear his fair share in the common defense, or in any other joint
work necessary to the interest of society of which he enjoys the protection…” Beyond that Mill thinks citizens should be
free to pursue their own interests, in their own way.
His solution is the political principle that “the sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or collectively, in interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number is self-protection.” That principle is Mill’s solution to the problem. But this solution leads to another problem. Mill alludes to this when he writes, “The notion that the people have no need to limit their power over themselves might seem axiomatic when popular government was a thing only dreamed about…” Now America has a government of the people, by the people, for the people. But political theory is just daydreaming unless it can be put into practice. How would Mill’s theory work in practice? We need to determine if modern American government is, in fact, accurately reflecting the will of the people. If it is, does that mean we need to expand the powers of government to protect the rights of Americans? Or does it mean we need to limit its powers to get government out of the personal lives of Americans? Both sides could claim they’re trying to put Mill’s theory into practice in the defense of liberty. The question comes down to this; what is liberty? And who gets to decide what it is? Mills says “no two ages, and scarcely any two countries, have decided it alike; and the decision of one age or country is a wonder to another.” So down through the ages and out across the world the Great Conversation continues. Will Americans be remembered as being devout as the Hebrews, as creative as the Greeks, as sturdy as the Romans, as pragmatic as the English? Time will tell. And history will be the judge.
Of
course this tension between freedom and government is not unique to Mill or to England. Mill acknowledges this when he writes that “the
struggle between liberty and authority is the most conspicuous feature in the portions
of history with which we are earliest familiar, particularly in that of Greece,
Rome, and England.” Mill did not choose
these three countries at random. These
three streams, along with the establishment of Israel as an independent nation in
the Old Testament, form the backbone of Western thinking about political freedom. American ideas of liberty and government have
been shaped primarily by those four sources. And in the Great Books tradition Shakespeare’s
plays often reflect the same tension between personal freedom and good government. In the Great Books Series we read about Othello,
Antony and Cleopatra, Hamlet, The Tempest and King Lear. All those plays, in one way or another, are
about individual people and their relationships to the broader social and
political context in which they find themselves (literally) as actors. But Shakespeare only states the problem in
dramatic terms, he never solves it. Mill
thinks it’s time to solve the problem.
His solution is the political principle that “the sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or collectively, in interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number is self-protection.” That principle is Mill’s solution to the problem. But this solution leads to another problem. Mill alludes to this when he writes, “The notion that the people have no need to limit their power over themselves might seem axiomatic when popular government was a thing only dreamed about…” Now America has a government of the people, by the people, for the people. But political theory is just daydreaming unless it can be put into practice. How would Mill’s theory work in practice? We need to determine if modern American government is, in fact, accurately reflecting the will of the people. If it is, does that mean we need to expand the powers of government to protect the rights of Americans? Or does it mean we need to limit its powers to get government out of the personal lives of Americans? Both sides could claim they’re trying to put Mill’s theory into practice in the defense of liberty. The question comes down to this; what is liberty? And who gets to decide what it is? Mills says “no two ages, and scarcely any two countries, have decided it alike; and the decision of one age or country is a wonder to another.” So down through the ages and out across the world the Great Conversation continues. Will Americans be remembered as being devout as the Hebrews, as creative as the Greeks, as sturdy as the Romans, as pragmatic as the English? Time will tell. And history will be the judge.
Friday, February 05, 2016
PLATO: Crito (Philosophy and Patriotism)
In
last week’s reading we met a woman named Vera who set happiness as her goal in
life. This week we read about Socrates,
who had virtue as his goal in life. Of
course he wanted to be happy too. But
what happens when those two goals come into conflict? One of them has to give. Crito believes Socrates was unjustly accused
and convicted of a capital offense. He’s
come to try and persuade Socrates to escape.
Crito is worried that most people will think he didn’t try hard enough
to save Socrates from execution.
Socrates makes an interesting reply.
“Why should we pay so much attention to what ‘most people’ think” he
asks. For Crito the answer is
obvious. And it’s a good lesson for
modern American readers as well. How can
anyone live in a democracy and not be affected by what most people think? Majority rules. It’s worth pondering how much our own civic
and moral values are affected by majority opinion. Tocqueville wrote that the “tyranny of the
majority” is in many ways even more tyrannical than the rule of a single despot. Most of us do care what our friends and
neighbors think. Socrates won’t be
swayed by majority opinion and doesn’t care what most people think. He says “they cannot make a man wise or
stupid; they simply act at random.” This
is not good news for our political system.
How can laws, even when passed by big majorities, make us better
people?
Which
brings us to a second crucial question.
Socrates tells Crito “Let us look at it together, my dear fellow; and if
you can challenge any of my arguments, do so and I will listen to you.” Here’s the question. Are we more likely to find wisdom in
community with others or as individuals?
We may think we know right from wrong.
Crito did. He saw nothing wrong
with fighting injustice. In fact, Crito
thought escaping was the right thing to do.
Socrates takes this opportunity not so much to listen to Crito’s
arguments as to educate him about the real value of philosophy. Socrates asks one of the classic perennial philosophical
questions. “Do we say that one must
never willingly do wrong, or does it depend upon circumstances?” This is not an easy question to answer. And Socrates takes it a step further by adding
“one ought not to return a wrong or an injury to any person, whatever the
provocation is.” Remember majority
opinion? Let’s take a modern
example. Consider affirmative action
laws. Is it “right” that one whole class
of people has to pay the price for things that happened before they were even born? On the other hand is it “wrong” to level the
playing field for those who have been disadvantaged by past wrongs? There are good arguments on both sides. Should majority rule decide these things?
Socrates
says “between those who do think so and those who do not there can be no
agreement on principle; they must always feel contempt when they observe one
another’s decisions.” Of course Socrates
wasn’t talking about affirmative action programs but the lesson is the
same. Political disagreements can turn
ugly. Both sides view the other side
with contempt and it’s always tempting to break laws we believe are unjust. Socrates wants us to pause and consider what
we’re saying. He envisions The Law
asking, “Do you imagine that a country can continue to exist and not be turned
upside down, if the legal judgments which are pronounced in it have no force
but are nullified and destroyed by private persons?” Socrates comes down hard on this point. He says if you think a law is unjust you
should try to get it changed, legally.
But “if you cannot persuade your country then you must do whatever it
orders…if it leads you out to war, to be wounded or killed, you must comply,
and it is right that you should do so…both in war and in the law courts and
everywhere else you must do whatever your country commands.” Most Americans won’t like this
philosophy. Socrates doesn’t care what
most people think. He just wants us all to
think more deeply about what it means to love wisdom and to love our country.
Monday, February 01, 2016
MARY LAVIN: Happiness
Aristotle
and John Dewey had their own theories about habit and its relationship to
happiness. Mary Lavin tells a story
about a woman named Vera who lived out her own theory of happiness. We read at the beginning of the story that
Vera’s “theme was happiness: what it was, what it was not; where we might find
it, where not; and how, if found, it must be guarded. Never must we confound it with pleasure. Nor think sorrow its exact opposite.” That was her theory. And Great Books readers might consider if
happiness is really everyone’s basic “theme” in life. Aristotle thought so. He believed everything has a natural “end” or
purpose for being. What is the “end” of
a human being? Aristotle said “this end,
to sum it up briefly, is happiness and its constituent parts.” We were born to be happy and to seek
happiness. John Dewey took this line of
thought a step further and connected our search for happiness with our daily
habits. He believed habits have a
strange power over us. He wrote that “a
habit has this power because it is so intimately a part of ourselves. It has a hold upon us because we are the
habit.” These two philosophical ideas
set the stage for our current reading.
Vera
(whether she knew it or not) followed Aristotle’s theory that happiness and
pleasure are not the same thing. Life
certainly wasn’t always pleasurable for Vera but she strongly insisted she was
happy. She told her daughters “I had a
happy life.” And if Vera did, in fact,
have a happy life it was primarily her own doing. One of the daughters related that “our
grandfather had failed to provide our grandmother with enduring happiness. He had passed that job on to Mother.” “Mother” was Vera. And Vera’s own mother wasn’t happy so
happiness wasn’t something Vera inherited.
She had to work for it. We may
question whether happiness is an enduring quality or if it comes to us in fits
and starts. Another question is whether
it’s possible for one person to “pass on” happiness to someone else. It didn’t seem to work for the
grandmother. She lived her life by the
“if only” philosophy. She would always
preface her pleasures with “if only” this or “if only” that, then things would
be better. In quest of perfect happiness
she rejected the kind of happiness that would be good enough for most
people. Vera did inherit this quest for happiness
from her mother. Vera worked hard at
finding and keeping it. Her own
daughters began wondering about Vera’s theory of happiness: “What was it, we
used to ask ourselves; that quality that she, we felt sure, misnamed? Was it courage? Was it strength, health, or high
spirits?” If they read Aristotle they
would know none of these qualities is happiness itself. But all of them are “constituent parts” of
happiness. Aristotle’s Happiness
includes qualities such as “good birth, good friends, wealth, good children, a
happy old age, also such bodily excellences as health, beauty, strength…” By this definition Vera was, in fact, happy. She had these things.
But
how deep was it? Her daughter says “one
evening when Father Hugh was with us, our astonished ears heard her proclaim
that there might be a time when one had to slacken hold on it, let go, to catch
at it again with a surer hand.” Father
Hugh was Vera’s counterbalance. Vera
didn’t think Father Hugh was happy. He
replied “That’s simply not true Vera.
It’s just that I don’t place an inordinate value on it like you. I don’t think it’s enough to carry one all
the way. To the end, I mean, and after.” Father Hugh had a different theory of
happiness. For Father Hugh it was not
the ultimate good. He wanted something higher
that would carry him through “to the end, and after.” What was that something? It was religion, a factor not considered
essential in either Aristotle’s philosophy or John Dewey’s. And that brings to mind a quote from
Shakespeare’s Hamlet: “There are more things in heaven and earth, Horatio, than
are dreamt of in your philosophy.” Mary
Lavin finds happiness in literature, not philosophy.